African Media and Conflict
By Abiodun Onadipe and David Lord
Part Four - In Their Own Words
A Harvest of Treason Trials - By Goodson Machona
To a large extent, the primary source of conflict in Zambia has been and continues to be its leadership. However, to understand this claim an examination of Zambia's political history is necessary.
For a start, the administration of colonial rule through the British mineral explorer, Cecil Rhodes of the British South Africa (BSA) Company, at the turn of the century, created deep resentment among indigenous Zambians. The passion for freedom propelled the "natives" to wage an underground campaign to gain independence and chart their own political, economic, social and cultural destiny. However, the colonialists were determined to hold down the "natives" through the use of oppressive legal instruments. A myriad of laws were fashioned for the purpose, such as the Preservation of Public Security Act, the Public Order Act and the Emergency Act, and were administered brutally and indiscriminately. This state of affairs forced the "natives" to start what became known as the Cha Cha Cha campaign, a civil disobedience/armed resistance struggle similar to Jomo Kenyatta's Mau Mau campaign in pre-independence Kenya.
Many nationalists, among them Zambia's first president, Kenneth Kaunda, were detained for allegedly "conspiring to overthrow an elected government". However, with independence attained in 1964 after many years of struggle, Kaunda conveniently "forgot" to repeal the oppressive laws that had impeded him and other nationalists during the fight for political independence. Kaunda justified the continued existence of these laws on the grounds that the young Zambia needed them to ensure stability. This was predicated on curbing the outbreak of sectional violence which characterised the first nine years of post-independence Zambia and attributed to the divisive nature of plural politics.
In 1972, Kaunda set in motion his boldest political plan -- the One Party system of government -- in the now famous Choma Declaration. However, this caused a lot of resentment and anger among those who supported multi-party politics. A string of treason trials ensued.
The first involved John Njapau, a former opposition African National Congress (ANC) Member of Parliament for Mwinilunga. Njapau was arrested when his close friend, Amon Kashimwata was apprehended with a document entitled "New Plan For North Western Rhodesia to Join the Lunda With Angola", which the latter had authored.
The United National Independence Party (UNIP) government accused Njapau of being a member of a group of dissidents that had attacked and burnt down 14 villages, killing one woman and injuring several others. After a lengthy trial, Judge Evans ruled that "I am left with suspicion that Njapau and others have been engaged in activities prejudicial to the state and that this investigation had merely touched the fringe of such activities. However, the plan for North-Western Rhodesia's secession from Zambia to join a Lunda empire in Katanga (in the Democratic Republic of Congo) was written by Njapau before the creation of Zambia on 24th October, 1964. It does not advocate military training or use of force." Thus, Njapau was set free.
But, according to Zambian historian Patrick Wele, in his book Zambia's Most Famous Dissidents, the perpetrator of that incursion was Chief Kanongesha, alias Chipupula Ndemi Komesha, who had established a dissident army at Kazezi stream inside Angola after he was stripped of his tribal title for opposing the one-party system of government. Wele charges that Njapau "became a victim of political machinations" after trouncing the UNIP candidate Peter Matoka in the parliamentary elections the year before.
The next treason trial involved Timothy Kalimbwe Lupasa, a fierce opponent of the one-party state and a member of the opposition United Party (UP). According to Wele in Kaunda and Mushala Rebellion, when the UP was banned on August 14, 1968 and its leaders incarcerated, Kalimbwe recruited 100 men and took them for military training in the Caprivi Strip of South West Africa (now Namibia). The mission was to return and overthrow the Kaunda government. Instead, he was arrested and sentenced to death on July 15, 1974 for treason on his return. Lupasa stayed in prison until July 1990, when he was released following a presidential pardon by Kaunda.
Another opponent of the one-party state, William Chipango, was the third Zambian to face treason charges. He was detained in February 1972 at Zambezi after it was alleged that between December 19, 1972 and January 1, 1973, in collaboration with Albert Sitali Sishwashwa, Crispin Mwendabai and Sefulo Kakoma, Chipango had recruited 100 men in Kaoma, Lusaka and Livingstone and transported them to the Caprivi Strip for military training with the aim of overthrowing the Zambian government.
Apparently at that time, the police in Sesheke had received reports that some members of the opposition were vehemently against the introduction of the one-party state and when Chipango showed up in Sesheke to see his father-in-law, he was picked up. Some fish-mongers from Livingstone who had come to buy fish to sell in Livingstone were, through intimidation and torture, made to admit that they were former ANC youths in Chipango's company, who had come to organise people against the one-party system. A few days into the trial, the state entered a nolle prosequi because all the witnesses repudiated their statements to the police, claiming the statements had been "beaten" out of them.
In dismissing the case, Judge Annel Silungwe ruled that in so far as he was concerned, there was no case at all because the evidence was "quite useless and hopeless". But Chipango and his group were re-arrested days later and charged for the same offence. This time. the trial judge, the late Godfrey Muwo, sentenced them to death. But upon appeal, Supreme Court Judges William Bruce-Lyle, Brendan Cullinan and Lee Baron quashed the lower court's ruling. After his release in 1978, Chipango contested and won the Livingstone constituency seat on the UNIP ticket and later became a councillor in Livingstone District Council.
Perhaps the most notorious dissenter in the history of Zambia is the late Adamson Mushala, whose rebellion lasted from 1975 to 1982. He was initially a "UNIPist" and prior to Zambia's independence was sent to China for guerrilla training with a view to coming back to overthrow the colonial government. But upon his return, Zambia was already independent. He then asked to be given the job of chief warden, but was turned down by the UNIP government. Mashala then joined the opposition UP out of frustration. But when the party was banned, he decided to go into exile in South Africa with a band of his followers.
In 1975, he transformed his group into a combat force and returned to Zambia to wage a guerrilla war, which ended when he was gunned down by Zambia Army soldiers on November 26, 1982. His second-in-command, Alexander Saimbwende, took over the reins and continued the terror campaign until September 25, 1990, when he surrendered to the late Alexander Kamalondo, then a member of the Central Committee for North Western Province, and was flown to Lusaka where he was later pardoned by President Kaunda.
By the late 1980s, historic and economic forces had seriously undermined the legitimacy of Zambia’s one-party state. All the countries in the sub-continent had become independent. Namibia was free and there were signs that apartheid in South Africa would eventually come to an end. Democracy was equally taking root in Eastern Europe and communism had crumbled in the Soviet Union. The economic situation in Zambia was also deteriorating: low standards of living, lack of basic food stuffs, rising unemployment, poor social infrastructure and the rapid depreciation of the Zambian Kwacha.
On October 31, 1980, a "Mister Cheese" informed the then Director of Intelligence Services that some people at a farm in Chilanga, a few kilometres south of the capital, Lusaka, were plotting to overthrow the Zambian government. The second battalion of the Zambia Army was ordered to raid the farm. After exchanging gun-fire, eight suspects were arrested. They included State Counsel Edward Shamwana, the late Valentine Musakanya, Godwin Yoram Mumba, Anderson Kabwili Mporokoso, Thomas Mpanga Mulewa, former vice president in the Third Republic Lieutenant General Godfrey Miyanda and some Zairean citizens -- Deogratis Symba, Albert Chimbalile and Laurent Kanyembu.
After a trial which lasted 11 months, trial Judge Dennis Chirwa, acquitted Lt. Gen. Miyanda and found the rest guilty. But this did nothing to change the depressing situation. The economy continued to slump while the standard of living spiralled downward. Also, the acute shortage of essential commodities, glaring nepotism and corruption continued. The price of the staple diet, mealie meal, also continued to increase steadily, while workers’ salaries stagnated.
On October 5, 1988, another group of 16 men were picked up for allegedly trying to unseat the Kaunda government. The group included current Vice President Christon Tembo, energy minister Benjamin Mwila, High Commissioner to South Africa Colonel Bizwayo Nkunika, former ministers Bob Litana and Wilfred Wonani and former Zambia Railways managing director Emmanuel Hachipuka. Others were Peter Vundamina, Harrington Kayela Chishimba, Major Patrick Shula, Major Knight Mulenga, Major Nixon Zulu and Captain Wamulume Maimbolwa. The late John Kalenga, Donald Sadoki and Matiya Ngalande were also part of the group. Warrant Officer Christopher Chawinga and others were also picked up days later, accused of trying to rescue the group.
In May 1990, government increased the price of mealie meal, triggering a wave of riots in Lusaka and the Copperbelt. These riots seriously undermined the political atmosphere and an army lieutenant, Mwamba Luchembe, took advantage of the opportunity and announced on July 29, 1990, that the army had taken over. Three hours later, the attempted coup was crushed and Luchembe and a number of his alleged accomplices were detained. An outspoken politician, Chiko Bwalya, was also arrested for celebrating Luchembe's coup attempt. But they were all released months later following a presidential pardon.
This coup attempt, coupled with growing public pressure, and pressure within the UNIP for democratisation somewhat rattled Kaunda, who immediately set October 17, 1990, as a referendum date to decide on whether to return to multi-party democracy or to maintain the one-party system.
At about the same time, a new political force was born. The national interim committee of the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) was formed to mobilise public opinion to support the return to plural politics. In July 1990, advocates for plural politics met at the Garden House Motel, in Lusaka, to press the government to return to multi-party democracy. This saw the birth of the MMD, which comprised mostly disaffected members of the UNIP government, some trade unionists, academics and other professionals, and aimed to sensitise people on the need for a return to "full" democracy.
With clear public support in favour of the restoration of multi-party democracy, President Kaunda cancelled the referendum and instead announced constitutional changes for a return to multi-party politics. Kaunda also set October 31, 1991, as the date for multi-party elections. The MMD, led by trade unionist Frederick Chiluba, won the elections and Kaunda, in a rare act of benefaction, handed over power.
The MMD government, with a comfortable majority in Parliament, reneged on many of its pre-election promises, embarking on self-aggrandisement projects, which ultimately led to intense political intimidation. The result was another string of treason trials. The first case involved a group of top UNIP cadres, who were accused of hatching a covert plan to unseat the MMD government via an operation code-named ‘Zero Option’. After a lengthy trial, all the accused were acquitted. One of them, former Chama North Member of Parliament Cuthbert Ng'uni, died soon after being released from detention.
The MMD had also earlier pledged to put in place a constitution which would be above partisan consideration and reflect higher goals of national interest. To this end, a commission, headed by an academic, John Mwanakatwe, was appointed on November 22, 1993, to review the Zambian Constitution. In June 1995, the commission submitted its report to President Chiluba, and in August, the government responded to the report by releasing a White Paper.
The White Paper added some recommendations to those contained in the commission's report, including the controversial Article 34 (3) (b) that required any presidential candidate to prove that his/her parents were/are Zambians by birth or descent. The White Paper also contained a clause barring traditional rulers from participating in active politics. The government also rejected the commission's recommendation for the Constitution to be adopted though a Constituent Assembly as well as a referendum, insisting that it be adopted by the MMD-dominated Parliament instead.
In March 1996, members of civil society groups organised a 10-day Citizens Convention, which produced a document known as the "Green Paper" in response to the government White paper and representing the citizens’ contributions to the Constitution debate. The government chose to ignore the Green Paper. In the ensuing controversy, the country became polarised. Some were in favour of the constituent assembly being the best mode of adopting the Constitution, while others contended that Parliament was the most appropriate body.
By April 1996, it had become apparent that the government would not change its position on the Constitution. The government stance precipitated the emergence of a clandestine organisation called the Black Mamba. The Black Mamba was involved in activities aimed at forcing the government to withdraw the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill from Parliament. These activities included bomb scares, bomb explosions, graffiti and death threats.
In June, eight top UNIP officials, among them its vice president, Senior Chief Inyambo Yeta, were picked up in connection with the activities of the Black Mamba and were charged with treason and murder. After five months in detention, all eight were acquitted.
About the same time, the opposition Zambia Democratic Congress (ZDC) brought an action in court challenging the controversial ‘presidential clause’ and the powers of Parliament to adopt a new Constitution. However, the courts upheld the government's position. On May 28, 1996, President Chiluba signed the amended Constitution into law.
Concerned stakeholders, among them University of Zambia students, then Southern African Development Community (SADC) chairman President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe and South African President Nelson Mandela called for inter-party dialogue between the ruling MMD and the opposition groups to find a last minute solution to the constitutional impasse. But, because of the intransigence of President Chiluba, these efforts were fruitless.
This led to the main opposition party UNIP and over 10 other "smaller" parties boycotting the 1996 elections. But five others that participated in the polls -- the National Lima Party, ZDC, the National Democratic Congress, the National Party and the Agenda for Zambia -- soon realised that it was a bad mistake. The electoral process favoured the ruling party, allegedly because the voter registration, conducted by the Nikuv Computers Limited of Israel, left out a good number of eligible voters and there were impediments to a free and fair campaign environment.
Also, the public media peddled hate propaganda against opposition parties. The ruling MMD used state resources for its campaign and, above all, during polling, there were reports of blatant connivance by electoral officers with candidates of the ruling party. The result -- President Chiluba's MMD won with an overwhelming majority in Parliament. But the five losing parties were not happy with the results and have since petitioned the Supreme Court. Judgement is yet to be passed but, which ever way it goes, many people anticipate renewed and possibly widespread political violence.
On October 28, 1997, Zambians woke up to the announcement by an army officer, Captain Steven Lungu -- calling himself "Captain Solo" -- that the Supreme National Council had taken over power. "Captain Solo", during the coup which lasted slightly over four hours, cited the growing intolerance by the MMD government, poverty, unemployment, falling standards of living and the failing economy as some of the reasons for staging the coup. It was, however, crushed by loyal troops.
Over a 100 people, among them Kaunda and his bodyguard Moyce Kaulun'gombe, ZDC president Dean Mung'omba and MMD women's chairperson Princess Nakatindi Wina, were detained. Some of the accused were released, leaving 83 people. Two soldiers died while in detention and when the trial begun on June 1, the state entered a nolle prosequi in respect of Kaunda and Kaulun’gombe, leaving 79 accused persons to face the treason charges.
The trial is currently underway and has generated a lot of interest among Zambians, who see "Captain Solo" as the Zambian equivalent of Ghana's Jerry Rawlings. But whether "Captain Solo", like Lt. Rawlings, will be extricated from prison to lead Zambia is another story.
Goodson Machona is Assistant Editor at The Post, based in Lusaka, Zambia
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