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History
Probably the best known conflicts in Mindanao are between the Government and Islamic groups. The conflict between the Government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led to the setting up of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The conflict between the Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) continues to this day with Peace Talks taking place in Malaysia.
What is less well known is that the Government has been engaged in violent conflict with various Revolutionary Communist groups for the last thirty years or so. The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) is still engaged in armed conflict with the Government. In the 1990s a breakaway group from the CPP was formed: the Revolutionary Workers Party of the Philippines (RPM-P). A further breakaway group from the RPM-P was formed in 2000: the Revolutionary Workers Party of Mindanao (RPM-M).
In 2002 RPM-M contacted a prominent Mindanao politician to explore possibilities of entering into a Peace Process with the Government. The leader of RPM-M and the politician approached the then Director, now President of a Development NGO, Balay Mindanaw, whom they both knew and trusted, to help with informal talks.
In July 2003 a formal approach to the Government was made, which led to President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo creating a panel to conduct formal peace negotiations with RPM-M.
Balay Mindanaw, was approached to be the independent secretariat for the Peace Talks. Part of their work was supported by the German Development Service (DED). Balay Mindanaw approached DED to see if they could help with finding a ‘peace adviser’ to work with them in this process. I was approached by DED and spent six weeks in Mindanao working on the Peace Process in August/September 2003.
The Peace Process
There are a number of aspects to these Peace Talks that make them quite unusual. Firstly, this is the first time in the Philippines that an NGO has been given the role of Independent Secretariat. Secondly, the talks have all been held locally in Mindanao. Thirdly, and perhaps most unusual, there is a strong development agenda for the talks, which has, so far, taken precedence over the more usual political demands.
One of the key things I learned very early on is the importance of relationship in Mindanao. There are three key people involved in this process locally. The leader of RPM-M (who acts as adviser to their Peace Panel), the chair of the Government Peace Panel (the politician who was originally approached by RPM-M in 2002) and the head of the Independent Secretariat (the President of Balay Mindanaw). It is the strength of the relationship between these three key individuals or ‘principals’ that has been instrumental in keeping the Peace Process alive, and even to get it started in the first place. Balay Mindanaw had no experience of being involved in peace talks. The trust in the organisation and their Director was the key factor in them being asked to be the Independent Secretariat. They could always buy in someone with experience of peace talks in other places.
Thus the most important thing I had to do initially was to build relationships and trust with the three key principals. When I asked the Director of Balay Mindanaw what he wanted from me, his answer was ‘to accompany them on their journey’. In other words, to experience the process with them, to learn as we went along and to offer my thoughts and ideas based on my experience elsewhere and knowledge of other peace processes.
The Independent Secretariat divided its tasks into a number of functions. There was the co-ordinator: the Director. Then there was the Political Settlement Team, comprising qualified lawyers who work in the ‘alternative’ or NGO sector. Then there was the Development Component Team, comprising development specialists. Then there was the Technical Support team, consisting of NGO staff who would co-ordinate, organise and undertake administrative tasks. And finally there was me as ‘peace adviser’.
I spent most of my time with the Independent Secretariat, in one-to-one meetings, larger meetings and the occasional workshop I offered in conflict analysis, strategies and approaches to peace talks. We also had a series of informal meetings with the principals and with RPM-M members and Government staff.
While I was there it was hoped to get a series of documents signed. All the work was done in informal meetings. The formal Peace Talks were just to sign the formal documents and demonstrate commitment from both sides. The first formal Peace Talks were twice postponed but did eventually take place during my visit. At these talks three documents were signed: a Joint Commitment To Pursue Peace and Development, The Rules On The Conduct Of Formal Peace Talks and The Rules On The Conduct of Local Consultations As An Integral Part Of The Peace Process. It had also been hoped to sign an Agreement on a General Cessation of Hostilities, but this was not possible within the timeframe.
As regards the Development component, it was decided that RPM-M would propose ‘barangays’ or communities where it had a strong presence. The communities themselves would decide whether they would be part of the process. The names of the barangays were submitted to Government, who would vet and approve those to be included. Balay Mindanaw would then organise a community consultation process, using Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) techniques to assist the communities in identifying their priorities. Balay Mindanaw would then write these up as formal proposals which would be taken to a Stakeholders Conference to seek funding to implement the proposals. It was agreed that there would be 100 barangays included in the first round. RPM-M looked upon the consultations as confidence-building measures between themselves and the Government. There were also other issues that RPM-M wanted the Government to take action on, including illegal logging.
It was hoped to get the first round of barangay consultations concluded during 2003. It was acknowledged that there was then likely to be a break in the process, as presidential elections were due in May 2004 and the politicians would be too busy campaigning to focus on a Peace Process.
I stayed in touch with the process from afar. Then in early 2005, I was approached once again by DED to see if I could go out for a further 8 weeks between March and May. All sides had requested my presence to assist with further progress. I discovered that not as much progress had been made as had been hoped for. Consultations had only taken place in 30 barangays and none of the project proposals emanating from the consultations had been implemented. Also there had been no further formal Peace Talks. Furthermore, there had been a complete change of staff in the Government secretariat.
I was asked by the chair of the Government Peace Panel to train their Secretariat staff in conflict analysis, strategy and action planning, which I did. RPM-M was engaged in a process of training its armed wing and cadres and I was invited to participate in the training of their armed wing. RPM-M were undertaking serious consultations with their members about whether to continue in the Peace Process. I was asked to run a training session on my experience and knowledge of armed groups engaging in negotiation processes. I designed the session in consultation with RPM-M and they asked me to focus on the conflicts in Israel/Palestine, Sierra Leone and Nagorno Karabakh, of which I have experience, and Northern Ireland, of which I have some knowledge. The training took place in one of their camps in a remote area of Mindanao.
While I was there consultations took place in a further 11 barangays and I was able to witness part of that process. It had also been hoped to have a further round of formal talks at which the Agreement on a General Cessation of Hostilities would be signed. While there was further progress made towards agreement, it was not possible to reach an agreed wording during my stay. In effect, a de facto ceasefire has been in operation for the last two years but it is still felt important to sign a formal agreement and for a renewed commitment to be made by both sides to reach a final Peace Agreement.
The situation is further complicated by the attitude of the CPP. They are opposed to RPM-M negotiating with the Government and have threatened to kill the RPM-M leadership (a threat they take very seriously). The CPP also has threatened those taking part in the barangay consultation process. It is not clear who was responsible, but unfortunately three local facilitators involved in one of the barangay consultation processes were killed within days of the process happening. (It is believed that local politicians and military officials with vested interests in the illegal logging operations were responsible for these killings)
It is planned to hold a further round of barangay consultations in June (possibly a further 47, taking the total to 88) and a Stakeholders Conference in September. Progress towards the signing of the Cessation of Hostilities agreement continues.
There are further complications because many perceive the Government to be weak. There are rumours of Ministerial and Army involvement in the illegal logging that RPM-M wants the Government to deal with and they doubt whether the Government has the strength or will to deal with this issue. There is also political plotting against the Government by an influential group, whom many take seriously. This raises questions about how much it is worth RPM-M investing in a peace process with a Government that may not be able to deliver and may not last much longer. It also raises questions about whether a new Government (if there is to be one) would honour a peace agreement made by the existing Government.
There is thus much that remains uncertain and much that remains to be done. However, a number of things have been achieved already. The very act of holding barangay consultations has helped, in some instances, to bring communities together. The Philippines government has started to commit financial as well as human resources to the process. The Peace Process is being documented by local journalists and others and a video on the Peace Process is being made, in order that others might learn from this process.
What is certain is that no progress at all would have been made without the commitment and courage of many local people. Attempting to bring peace is often sadly, as we know, a risky business. Three of those involved have already paid the ‘ultimate price’ with their lives. It is a great tribute to those people who continue to be involved that they do so in the knowledge that they are putting their lives at risk.
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