| Committee for Conflict Transformation Support | CCTS
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| Demilitarising Minds and Societies
Deep demilitarisation Howard suggested two types of action necessary to achieve deep demilitarisation:
Militant armed groups, such as the IRA or ETA, pose particular problems. They may have limited popular support and accountability, but if they see nothing to be gained by dialogue it can be hard for civil society to deal with them. It is hard to find role models for deep demilitarisation because all societies are to an extent militarised. The Western powers that tend to lead the peacekeeping forces are in some ways the worst offenders. These are the states with nuclear weapons, professional armies and an adversarial approach to politics that is quite likely to carry a 'winner-takes-all' attitude into civil life (though some countries may envy their ability to maintain civilian control of their military forces). We therefore need to look at smaller-scale, local initiatives that have helped communities to move towards peaceful coexistence and away from polarised, militaristic attitudes. It is often necessary to 'create facts': to grasp an opportunity as it arises and then to use it as an example for others to build on. It may demand a degree of 'controlled risk-taking' to create an alternative to military force. Howard's paper gives a number of examples: the peace zones in the Philippines and Columbia; a peace-march that cuts across ethnic divides; the accompanied return of displaced people, or the public involvement and support of well-known non-political individuals. 'Deep' demilitarisation is not easy to achieve. Peace-builders must be opportunistic, seizing the chance to make progress whenever and wherever it arises. This section contains further examples of what is possible, suggested by seminar participants. In Spain, individuals who were prepared to be imprisoned rather than be conscripted into the military each enlisted the support of a circle of previously apolitical neighbours; the end of conscription was due, in part, to the combined force of these support circles. In the Caucasus, regional and local NGOs supported the creation of neutral 'free trade zones' where people from opposite sides in a dispute can meet to buy and sell goods. This can sometimes be more productive than workshops because, in addition to fostering communication, it satisfies some basic needs on both sides. It was noted that private enterprise tends to find a way of thriving even during conflict. For example, the Mafia continues to operate for gain in the most dangerous conflicts. Business contact has continued throughout the war in the Balkans, and there is now a proposal to reopen a marketplace in Kosovo/a that can be used by all parties. In Somalia, too, businesses have continued to operate in the absence of any central government, and have even created some of the pressure for its reinstatement. Business may be able to provide a forum or channel for dialogue. (Participants were less sure how peacebuilding groups could emulate the Mafia.) It can be helpful to use traditional ways of dealing with conflict within the community. In Rwanda, for example, people involved in the genocide are tried in the communities where they committed their crimes, and are given reduced sentences if they are willing to describe exactly what occurred. The open acceptance of guilt not only helps to establish the real nature of the genocide, but also makes it easier for local people to put it behind them. Ex-combatants are frequently traumatised by their part in the violence and can find it hard to reintegrate into civilian society. Shaming, reparation and forgiveness can be constructive alternatives to punishment. This type of community-owned justice may be easier to achieve in traditional societies than in the socially fragmented West. The illusion that security can be absolute can lead to a deep reliance on ever-increasing levels of militarisation. Real security is based on legitimacy and consent within the community; fearfulness gets in the way. For example, the shops from which Nairobi citizens buy gold are heavily fortified but are nevertheless regularly attacked by gangsters and terrorists; but a group of Somali women who started selling gold from market stalls in the street, without armed protection, were not molested at all. In extensively military societies the problems are particularly acute. In Kenya, for example, such a large proportion of government funding and training is directed towards military objectives that there is little civil incentive to demilitarise. When arms trading is a more valuable local business than growing tea or coffee, and it is as easy to buy a Kalashnikov as milk or bread, violence becomes the norm. Even in these societies, however, it can be easier to have dialogue with the soldier, who has engaged with death, than with the politician who may have a vested interest in the violence. And it is still true that individual actions can have an impact: for example, when a single surviving member of a family rejects revenge and argues for reconciliation. (It is important that peacebuilding groups resist the temptation of separating such individuals from their local society by publicising their example on too wide a scale.) Peace workers not to feel discouraged if they were only able to work at the margins of a conflict; this is where movement most often takes place. One participant suggested that because women and young people have had a less direct involvement in the fighting, and are therefore less brutalised by it, they might be better able to act to achieve peace. Others, while acknowledging that these groups are often active in post-conflict peace building, pointed out that the emotional motor for war is female as well as male; and that many young people are swayed by the rhetoric of conflict. Peace making can be seen as less 'exciting' than conflict, especially in deeply militarised societies. In an effort to counter this, the peace movement in Somalia has instituted annual 'peace festivals' at which peacemakers are honoured - not grandly, simply by the public award of a certificate. At the same time, the hard work of conflict resolution - confronting the issues on which the violence is based - must not be overlooked.
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